Miscasting the Messenger: Unveiling Centuries of Distortion and the Western Invention of Muhammad

Introduction

Few figures in history have inspired such a wide and conflicting range of portrayals as the Prophet Muhammad. To Muslims, he is the “mercy to all creation,”[1] a beacon of compassion, integrity, and moral fortitude. To his critics, particularly during medieval Christendom—and later within strands of Western secular tradition—he was recast as a heretic, an impostor, and even a force of evil.[2]

Across the centuries, Muhammad’s image has been shaped, distorted, defended, and reinterpreted—reflecting not only perceptions of him, but also the deeper fears, rivalries, and prejudices of the civilisations that judged him. How did a man devoted to a profound spiritual mission become the target of such relentless vilification? And what do these portrayals reveal about the societies that produced them?

This essay explores the complex and evolving perceptions of Muhammad, tracing its journey from the initial slander he endured during his own lifetime, to the polemical attacks of medieval Christendom and later, to the more nuanced yet still contested portrayals of the twenty-first century. It begins by examining how Muhammad’s contemporaries—particularly the Quraysh elite—sought to discredit him with accusations of sorcery,[3] madness,[4] and deceit.[5]

In the centuries that followed, these attacks and distortions were recast in the darker hues of heresy, apostasy, and diabolical cunning. In medieval Europe, theological hostility, cultural fear, and inherited prejudice converged to produce increasingly macabre and polemical portrayals of Muhammad, culminating in the apocalyptic imagery that fuelled the Crusades and permeated European literary and theological traditions. Muhammad was no longer viewed merely as a religious adversary; he became the symbol of a rival civilisation—one that threatened Christian hegemony that thus needed to be maligned. The Crusades, with their apocalyptic fervour, further entrenched these distortions, embedding them into European literary and theological traditions. Even the European Enlightenment, despite its professed commitment to reason and clarity, often struggled to fully escape the lingering shadows of this medieval legacy.

Yet amid the polemical excesses, a gradual shift began to form. Despite the distortions, a more nuanced engagement with Muhammad’s life emerged—a slow, cautious recognition that beneath the layers of polemic stood a figure who had profoundly altered the moral and historical fabric of humanity.

The essay then turns to the emergence of more critical, sympathetic, and historically rigorous sīra[6]  (biographical) works from the nineteenth century onwards. Western and Muslim writers alike sought to balance reverence with scholarly inquiry. Yet despite these efforts, deep undercurrents of inherited bias remain. Neo-Orientalist critiques and secular academic approaches still frame Muhammad’s image today, sometimes subtly eroding the theological core that classical Islamic traditions preserved.

The central argument advanced here is that any distortion—whether born of theological animosity, secular reductionism, or uncritical hagiography—obscures a true understanding of Muhammad’s legacy. A balanced, critical approach that neither strips the Prophet of his spiritual significance nor cloaks him in romanticised mythologies is essential for any genuine engagement with his life and mission.[7] This essay, therefore, seeks to chart a careful path—a middle way, so to speak—through centuries of polemical excess, ideological distortion, and devotional idealisation, calling for a thoughtful, honest, and historically grounded reclamation of the Prophet’s life and mission.

The Economics of Blasphemy: The Quraysh’s Hostility and the Politics of Survival

Mischaracterisation and negligence of the Prophet Muhammad’s character and mission are often perpetuated by critics of Islam and those harbouring animosity toward Muslims. The Quran offers a detailed account of how Muhammad’s opponents sought to defame his character and discredit his moral authority. Chief among these opponents were his own Meccan kinsmen—particularly the affluent leaders of the Quraysh elite—who orchestrated a relentless campaign of slander, public humiliation, and systematic persecution targeting both Muhammad and his followers.

This hostility was not merely theological; it was existential. The monotheistic religion Muhammad espoused struck at the heart of their inherited polytheism, threatened the cohesion of their tribal order, and—perhaps most unsettling for the Meccan elite—jeopardised the economic interests tied to their control over the pilgrimage trade. In the face of this perceived threat, his opponents resorted to a barrage of accusations, branding him a sorcerer,[8] a madman,[9] a liar,[10] a man possessed,[11] a deranged poet,[12]  a soothsayer,[13]  and, ultimately, an imposter unworthy of divine commission.[14]

Moreover, Muhammad’s detractors accused him of fabricating the verses of the Quran by repurposing ancient fables[15]—an allegation later echoed in Christian and Jewish polemical literature, where he was charged with plagiarising the scriptures of the Old and New Testaments.

The Rhetoric of Rivalry: Medieval Christendom’s War on Muhammad

Following the death of the Prophet Muhammad, negative portrayals of his character and the religion he founded were frequently propagated by opponents of the emerging Islamic caliphate. While Islamic tradition honours Muhammad as a mercy to all humanity,[16] Christian perceptions during the Middle Ages were markedly less generous, often casting him in an unfavourable light.[17] This antipathy was shaped not only by theological divergence but also by the rapid territorial expansion of the Islamic caliphates across the Middle East and North Africa—a geopolitical shift that brought Islam, and its Prophet, into sharper focus for Christian ecclesiastical scholars.[18]

The earliest extant external reference to Muhammad appears in the Doctrina Jacobi nuper baptizati, an early seventh-century text recounting an interreligious discourse between a newly baptised Christian and Arab Jews. In this exchange, Muhammad is portrayed as a false prophet, accused of spreading his message through violence[19]—a narrative that would gain considerable traction in Christian thought for centuries. Saint John of Damascus (676–749 CE), one of the most influential theologians of the Eastern Church, echoed these accusations in his De Haeresibus, where he denounced Muhammad as a false prophet[20] and dismissed the revelation of the Quran as a mere pastiche of biblical truths.[21]

From the ninth century onward, such disparaging characterisations became deeply entrenched in European literary and theological discourse. Christian writers routinely described Muhammad as a heretic, a pseudo-prophet, and, in more sensational accounts, a defrocked cardinal who had founded a schismatic and violent religion.[22] These portrayals—shaped as much by theological polemic as by geopolitical rivalry—came to dominate the medieval Christian imagination, casting a dark and looming shadow over interreligious perceptions for generations to come.

According to Seyyed Hossein Nasr, early European literature frequently depicted the Prophet Muhammad in disparaging and distorted terms. A select group within medieval Europe—primarily Latin-literate scholars—had access to relatively comprehensive biographical accounts of Muhammad. [23] Yet these narratives were refracted through a distinctly Christian theological lens, one that cast Muhammad as a Machiavellian figure who beguiled and subdued the Arab world under the guise of divine revelation.

Over time, such portrayals grew increasingly hostile. In popular European literature, Muhammad’s image deteriorated from that of a tyrannical false prophet to an object of moral revulsion, vilified as a figure driven by unbridled sexual appetites[24]—an image deliberately crafted to offend and subvert Christian monastic ideals.

In the charged atmosphere of the Crusades, Christian theologians sought to amplify the doctrinal and moral divergences between Christianity and Islam as a means of legitimising their religious and military campaigns against the Muslim world. Their writings adopted an “inwardly focused approach,” interpreting the prophethood and character of Muhammad through the prism of Christological doctrine and deeply entrenched ecclesiastical convictions. This interpretive framework yielded portrayals that were not merely critical but often polemical—depicting Islam as a theological aberration and Muhammad as a moral deviant—intended to reaffirm the spiritual superiority of Christianity and fortify the faith of the Christian laity. [25]

Among the most influential voices was the Dominican friar and scholastic theologian Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274 CE), who levelled severe criticisms against Muhammad’s moral and doctrinal authority. Aquinas accused him of offering gruesome incentives—namely, sensual pleasures in the afterlife—to lure followers, and condemned his teachings as a calculated corruption of sacred truth. He framed Muhammad’s message not as divine revelation, but as the product of devious cunning, crafted to seduce and mislead.[26]

The point is clear in the case of Mohammed. He seduced the people by promises of carnal pleasure to which the concupiscence of the flesh goads us. His teaching also contained precepts that were in conformity with his promises, and he gave free rein to carnal pleasure. In all this, as is not unexpected, he was obeyed by carnal men. As for proofs of the truth of his doctrine, he brought forward only such as could be grasped by the natural ability of anyone with a very modest wisdom. Indeed, the truths that he taught he mingled with many fables and with doctrines of the greatest falsity. He did not bring forth any signs produced in a supernatural way, which alone fittingly gives witness to divine inspiration; for a visible action that can be only divine reveals an invisibly inspired teacher of truth. On the contrary, Mohammed said that he was sent in the power of his arms-which are signs not lacking even to robbers and tyrants. What is more, no wise men, men trained in things divine and human, believed in him from the beginning. Those who believed in him were brutal men and desert wanderers, utterly ignorant of all divine teaching, through whose numbers Mohammed forced others to become his followers by the violence of his arms. Nor do divine pronouncements on the part of preceding prophets offer him any witness. On the contrary, he perverts almost all the testimonies of the Old and New Testaments by making them into fabrications of his own, as can be seen by anyone who examines his law. It was, therefore, a shrewd decision on his part to forbid his followers to read the Old and New Testaments, lest these books convict him of falsity. It is thus clear that those who place any faith in his words believe foolishly.[27]

In this theological theatre, the Prophet of Islam was transformed into a macabre figure, embodying everything that Christian Europe was taught to fear and reject. Such characterisations were not accidental—they were rhetorical weapons, forged to galvanise religious fervour, delegitimise Islam, and paint its Prophet in the darkest hues imaginable.

The Devil’s Cloak: Muhammad as Europe’s Eschatological Foe

Amid the mounting anxieties provoked by the rising Ottoman Empire during the late Middle Ages, European portrayals of the Prophet Muhammad grew increasingly polemical and grotesque. Where earlier characterisations had depicted him as a heretic or a libertine, later depictions descended into theological fantasy, casting him as a servant of Satan or even the Antichrist himself. This crescendo of vilification reflected not merely theological hostility but a deeper cultural paranoia, shaped by the geopolitical threat posed by Islam’s growing influence.

Christian ecclesiastical scholars played a central role in this campaign of demonisation, employing rhetorical sleight to deform both name and narrative. The Prophet’s name was deliberately corrupted to “Mahound”—a pejorative term meaning “devil incarnate” [28] —a symbolic gesture designed to strip him of prophetic dignity and align him with diabolical forces.

To galvanise Christian Europe against the perceived menace from the East, members of the clergy circulated fabrications that distorted verified historical accounts. One of the more striking examples was the claim that Muhammad did not die in 632 CE—as reliably recorded in Islamic and non-Islamic sources—but instead perished in the year 666, a symbolic act of narrative manipulation that linked him to the “number of the beast.” Such distortions were not innocent errors of interpretation; they were deliberate acts of theological theatre, designed to reinforce an apocalyptic vision of Islam and to portray its Prophet as the embodiment of eschatological evil. [29]

From the fourteenth century onward, portrayals of the Prophet Muhammad in Europe became increasingly lurid and sensationalised, particularly among the lower strata of society, where such depictions served to align public sentiment with the Church’s growing antagonism toward Islam. One of the most enduring examples of this phenomenon appears in Dante Alighieri’s (1265-1321 CE) The Divine Comedy, in which Muhammad is consigned to the ninth Bolgia of the Eighth Circle of Hell—reserved for the “sowers of scandal and schism.” Here, from a Christian theological perspective, Muhammad is cast not as a prophet but as a schismatic figure who, by allegedly distorting the message of Christ, is condemned for fomenting division within the body of the Church.[30]

This imagery was not confined to literature alone. Dante’s vivid characterisation found powerful visual expression in works such as Giovanni da Modena’s (1379 – 1455 CE)  fifteenth century fresco The Last Judgement, housed in the Basilica of San Petronio in Bologna,[31] where Muhammad is similarly depicted in torment. The impact of this pejorative portrayal extended well beyond its medieval origins, shaping the imaginations of later European artists and intellectuals—including William Blake (1757-1827 CE),[32]  Gustave Doré (1832-1883 CE), and Voltaire[33]—each drawing on this legacy in distinct ways. Whether in visual art, poetry, or philosophical satire, the distorted image of Muhammad endured, evolving across genres and generations as it became woven into Europe’s broader cultural and ideological narrative.

An examination of Voltaire’s five-act tragedy Le fanatisme, ou Mahomet le Prophète (Fanaticism, or Muhammad the Prophet) reveals the enduring influence of medieval polemics on even the most celebrated minds of the European Enlightenment. First performed in 1741, the play draws on contemporary European biographical sources—including those of Count Henri de Boulainvilliers (1658–1722) and George Sale (1697–1736)—to construct a provocative critique of religious fanaticism, which it attributes to superstition and the absence of rational enlightenment.[34] Within this framework, Muhammad is depicted as a Machiavellian, authoritarian figure—a false prophet who manipulates faith to serve ambition. [35]

Voltaire was explicit in his intent, describing the play as a “satire on the cruelty and errors of a false prophet.” [36] Yet this portrayal, shaped by the intellectual climate of early Enlightenment critique, would later be tempered. In his subsequent writings—most notably Chapter 6 of the Essai sur les mœurs et l’esprit des nations (Essay on the Morals and Spirit of Nations)[37] —Voltaire offered a more nuanced account of Muhammad’s life and the emergence of Islam. With increased historical insight and a broader cultural understanding, he moved beyond caricature to present a more measured reflection on the Prophet’s role in shaping a civilisation.

How can one imagine that a man who had been a merchant, poet, legislator and sovereign was unable to write his name? If his book [Quran] is unsuitable for our times and for ourselves, it was truly good for his contemporaries. His religion was even better. We should recognize that he virtually rescued the whole of Asia from idolatry. He taught the unity of God and forcefully denounced anyone claiming that God has partners. He banned the usurious exploitation of strangers, and enjoined the giving of alms. Prayer is an absolute requirement; acceptance of eternal decrees animates all. It is hardly surprising that a religion so simple and wise, taught by a man who was always victorious in the field took power in much of the world.[38]

The Mirror of Prejudice and Fidelity: Reimagining Muhammad Today

Since the nineteenth century, European perspectives on Islam have undergone a discernible shift toward greater nuance and intellectual generosity, giving rise to more balanced and sympathetic portrayals of the Prophet Muhammad. This transformation is particularly evident in modern Western scholarship, where efforts to engage critically—yet respectfully—with the life of the Prophet reflect a broader commitment to historical accuracy and cross-cultural understanding. Among the most significant contributions to this trend include:

• Theodor Nöldeke, Das Leben Muhammed’s (The Life of Muhammad) (1863).[39] A pioneering Western critical biography, offering a historical reconstruction of the Prophet’s life based on early Islamic sources.
• Étienne Dinet and Sliman Ben Ibrahim, La Vie de Mohammed, Prophète d’Allah (First published: 1918).[40] A richly sympathetic portrayal that seeks to present the Prophet’s life and mission in an accessible and reverent manner.
• Tor Andrae, Die Person Muhammeds in Lehre und Glaube seiner Gemeinde (Muhammad and the Teachings and Beliefs of His Community) (First published 1918);[41] and Mohammed: Sein Leben und Sein Glaube (Muhammad: The Man and His Faith) (1936).[42] Scholarly works exploring Muhammad’s role within the faith and practice of the early Muslim community.
• William Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca (1953);[43] Muhammad at Medina (1956);[44] and Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman (1961).[45] A trilogy offering one of the most influential Western scholarly interpretations of Muhammad’s life and political career.
• Emile Dermenghem, Men of Wisdom: Muhammad and the Islamic Tradition (1958).[46]A reflective study that situates Muhammad within the broader currents of Islamic spiritual and intellectual history.
• Maxime Rodinson, Mahomet (1961).[47] A Marxist-inspired critical biography emphasising the socio-economic and political factors shaping Muhammad’s mission.
• Karen Armstrong, Muhammad: A Biography of the Prophet (1992);[48] and Muhammad: A Prophet for Our Time (2007).[49] Popular yet thoughtful works that seek to humanise the Prophet’s life and highlight his relevance for contemporary readers.
• Hans Küng, Islam: Geschichte, Gegenwart, Zukunft (Islam: Past, Present and Future) (2004).[50] A wide-ranging theological and historical reflection, including a sensitive treatment of Muhammad’s place within the Abrahamic traditions.
• Barnaby Rogerson, The Prophet Muhammad: A Biography (2007).[51] A concise and engaging narrative that combines historical storytelling with an accessible portrait of Muhammad’s character and legacy.

The twentieth century witnessed a marked rise in English-language biographies of the Prophet Muhammad written by contemporary Muslim scholars. Notable examples include:

• Adil Salahi, Muhammad: Man and Prophet (1995).[52] A comprehensive and scholarly English biography that combines scriptural sources with contextual commentary.
• Annemarie Schimmel, Und Muhammad ist sein Prophet: Die Verehrung des Propheten in der islamischen Frömmigkeit (1981); English trans. And Muhammad Is His Messenger: The Veneration of the Prophet in Islamic Piety.[53] A seminal work exploring the devotional, poetic, and mystical dimensions of the Prophet’s veneration across Islamic cultures.
• Martin Lings, Muhammad: His Life Based on the Earliest Sources (1983).[54] A widely acclaimed English-language sīra drawing on early Arabic sources, blending historical narrative with spiritual insight.
• Maulana Wahiduddin Khan, The Prophet of Peace: Teachings of the Prophet Muhammad (2009).[55] A thematic presentation of the Prophet’s teachings, emphasising peace, tolerance, and non-violence.
• Safi-ur-Rahman Mubarakpuri, Ar-Raḥīq al-Makhtūm (The Sealed Nectar) (2002).[56] A traditional and highly detailed biographical account awarded first prize at a global sīra competition held in Saudi Arabia.
• Tariq Ramadan, Le Prophète: Vie du Prophète Muhammad – Les enseignements spirituels et contemporains (2006); English trans. The Messenger: The Meanings of the Life of Muhammad (2008),[57] and In the Footsteps of the Prophet: Lessons from the Life of Muhammad (2007).[58] Contemporary reflections that reinterpret the Prophet’s life through ethical, spiritual, and social lenses relevant to modern readers.
• Ziauddin Sardar, Muhammad: All That Matters (2012).[59] A concise, accessible introduction to the Prophet’s life, message, and enduring relevance in today’s world.

Written in multiple languages by authors both within and beyond the Islamic tradition, these texts reflect a deepening literary engagement and scholarly investment in sīra literature, as well as a deliberate effort to reinterpret the Prophet’s life for contemporary audiences. Seeking to bridge tradition with the intellectual, ethical, and spiritual exigencies of the present, they forge a dynamic exchange between historical reverence and modern inquiry.

Nevertheless, centuries of entrenched social conditioning through works maligning the Prophet of Islam continue to exert a formidable influence, making it difficult for many to discard inherited biases. This enduring legacy sustains the circulation of disparaging portrayals of Muhammad’s life. Among such works is the critique of the nineteenth-century English Orientalist David Samuel Margoliouth, who depicted Muhammad as a charlatan, alleging that he beguiled his followers through methods comparable to those employed by fraudulent mediums. Margoliouth contended that Muhammad merely assumed the role of a divinely inspired messenger, feigning religious sincerity and crafting an illusion of spirituality to secure allegiance.[60] In a similar vein, the Scottish Orientalist William Muir offered a more nuanced, yet equally sceptical, assessment. Muir proposed that Muhammad began as a sincere man of faith and genuine reformer, but following his migration to Medina, allegedly resorted to fabricating “messages from heaven” to legitimise personal ambitions and retaliate against adversaries.[61]

New trends in the critical portrayal of Muhammad emerged alongside the rise of new technologies and the mass migration of Muslims to the West in the mid-twentieth century. In response to this demographic shift, Western conservative commentators increasingly insist that Muslims abandon their ancestral customs and beliefs in favour of what they regard as superior Western norms and values. To assert the supposed civilisational supremacy of the West over the traditions of their new Muslim populations, such commentators revive and reframe medieval depictions of Muhammad for contemporary audiences. A notable example of this neo-Orientalist narrative appears in the writings of neuroscientist and ideological critic Sam Harris, who contrasts Muhammad with Jesus Christ. Harris depicts Christ as a benign “hippie” figure, while characterising Muhammad as a “conquering warlord who spread the faith by the sword.”[62]  Likewise, political commentator Douglas Murray echoes both Harris and earlier medieval European critiques, accusing Muhammad of heinous war crimes and dismissing him as “a very bad man and not a great role model [for Muslims].”[63]

In response to both hagiographical and critical portrayals of the Prophet Muhammad’s life, a significant Muslim critique has emerged targeting contemporary sīra works authored by American and European writers, irrespective of their religious affiliations or stated intentions. İlhami Oruçoğlu sheds light on this critical reassessment, tracing its roots to the intellectual currents that have shaped biographical writing on Muhammad in the United States and Europe since the advent of modernity. He contends that this emerging body of Western scholarship, regardless of authorial intent, is characterised by an effort to “rebuild” the prophetic narrative and the rise of Islam through the lens of social science methodologies, while systematically excluding the theological and metaphysical dimensions integral to earlier sīra literature of the medieval and pre-modern periods. Oruçoğlu further argues that the historical-critical method, forged within the context of Western deistic thought and secular epistemologies, is insufficient for capturing the full complexity of Muhammad’s life, particularly its spiritual dimensions. For Oruçoğlu, this tension between secular analytical frameworks and the religious core of the sīra tradition remains a defining challenge for contemporary biographical studies of the Prophet.[64]

Tehreem Fatima and Aqsa Tasgheer extend Oruçoğlu’s critique of contemporary sīra literature, arguing that Western secular methodologies have not only shaped Western portrayals of the Prophet Muhammad’s life but have also influenced modern Muslim sīra authors. They contend that classical sīra texts were composed in a spirit of deep faith and profound reverence for the Prophet, [65]  reflecting an epistemology fundamentally distinct from contemporary secular approaches. Fatima and Tasgheer further maintain that Orientalist interpretations of classical sīra emerged from a conviction in Europe’s civilisational superiority over the Muslim world, leading to the dismissal of traditional Islamic narratives as antiquated and unreliable. [66]  As a result, they argue, modern sīra works often omit accounts of miracles and supernatural events, in order to conform to secular academic expectations. [67]  Moreover, they assert that many translations of classical sīra texts were produced by Orientalists who approached the material with disdain for traditional Islamic methods of composition, thereby compromising the reliability of these translations for Muslims seeking spiritual insight from contemporary biographies of the Prophet. [68]

Fatima and Tasgheer offer an important corrective by highlighting how secular epistemologies, rooted in Western intellectual traditions, have shaped both Muslim and wider portrayals of the Prophet Muhammad. Their concern regarding the erosion of traditional reverence within contemporary sīra literature is valid and well-observed, particularly given the long-standing Orientalist impulse to dismiss Islamic sources as inferior or unreliable. However, their critique would benefit from a more nuanced calibration: it is essential to distinguish between two separate but often conflated phenomena—the ideological denudation of the Prophet’s life driven by Orientalist disdain, and the methodological agnosticism inherent in secular scholarship, which at times reflects epistemological limitations rather than outright hostility. Not all secular frameworks are inherently contemptuous; some are constrained by their scope, but not antagonistic.

Furthermore, while Fatima and Tasgheer are right to caution against the desacralisation of the Prophet’s legacy, their critique must equally be vigilant against the opposite danger: the tendency to lapse into histrionic or hagiographical embellishments that so romanticise the Prophet’s life as to render his moral and human example unrecognisable. In seeking to protect the Prophet’s dignity, one must not inadvertently obscure the very humanity that the Quran and Sunnah so carefully preserved. These twin distortions— the secular reduction of the Prophet’s mission and the pious exaggeration of his persona—were explored at length in my article Ṣirāt al-Mustaqīm: Finding the Middle Way Between Exaggeration (ifrāṭ) and Negligence (tafrīṭ).[69] Without a critical, balanced approach, efforts to reclaim the integrity of the sīra risk replicating the very distortions they seek to redress.

Conclusion

The story of the Prophet Muhammad’s legacy, as traced in this essay, is not simply a chronicle of conflicting portrayals; it is a mirror reflecting humanity’s enduring struggle with truth, power, and prejudice. From the economic anxieties of the Quraysh elite to the theological insecurities of medieval Christendom, from the polemics of Enlightenment Europe to the subtle biases of contemporary secular scholarship, Muhammad’s image has been relentlessly reshaped—often more to satisfy the anxieties of the beholder than to reflect the reality of the man himself.

Yet the implications of this history extend far beyond Muhammad alone. They point to a deeper intellectual and moral challenge: how to engage with foundational figures without succumbing to idolisation or defamation; how to preserve reverence without abandoning critical inquiry; how to honour complexity without sacrificing fidelity to truth. In a world fractured by inherited prejudices and ideological distortions—where caricatures of Muhammad continue to fuel civilisational tensions—this task is not merely academic. It is urgent.

At its heart, this challenge demands that we reconsider the epistemologies we privilege, the myths we inherit, and the responsibilities we bear as interpreters of the past. It invites us to reject both the reduction of Muhammad’s legacy to secular scepticism and the elevation of his life into unattainable hagiography. Instead, it calls us to chart a middle way: a path marked by integrity, respect, and historical conscience.

The future of Islamic historiography—and indeed the wider discourse on religious figures—depends on a renewed ethic of critical fidelity: a commitment to portray Muhammad neither through the lens of myth-making nor through cynical deconstruction, but as he truly was—human and inspiring, struggling and steadfast, historical and transcendent. Such an approach demands both scholarly rigour and moral humility, recognising that the highest honour lies not in constructing, or fabricating, comforting legends, but in preserving lived moral greatness with precision and care.

An important precedent for this method appears in the work of thinkers like Voltaire, whose secular and empirical approach—despite his early prejudices—ultimately allowed Muhammad’s legacy to confront and challenge his assumptions. Voltaire’s later reflections demonstrate the value of an empirical and historiographical approach: studying Muhammad’s life through existing sources with a critical but open mind, allowing historical reality to speak louder than inherited bias.

Abandoning an empirical and historiographical framework risks allowing unverifiable metaphysical discourses to distort the narrative, pushing Muhammad’s life further into the realm of either dehumanising vilification or inaccessible myth. To honour his legacy authentically, we must resist both extremes: neither casting him as a villain born of Western fears, nor shrouding him so deeply in miracles that his human agency is lost.

Ultimately, the future of Islamic historiography lies in reclaiming the Prophet’s story not as legend or polemic, but as lived reality. Fidelity to the historical Muhammad—human yet enlightened, struggling yet steadfast—is the surest path to preserving the spiritual dignity of his mission and offering a compelling, accessible example for all of humanity.

In embracing this middle way—between hyperbole (ifrāṭ)[70] and negligence (tafrīṭ)[71]—we not only reclaim the Prophet’s example in its full moral and historical richness; we also model a way of engaging the past that honours the humanity of all who have shaped our shared intellectual and spiritual heritage.

Epilogue

In an age increasingly marked by noise, spectacle, and historical amnesia, the task of reclaiming Muhammad’s legacy with integrity has never been more urgent. His life offers not a call to fanaticism nor an escape into nostalgia, but an enduring invitation: to embody courage without cruelty, humility without weakness, and faith without dogmatism. In seeking to recover the luminous humanity of the Prophet, we are reminded that history’s greatest figures do not demand our blind devotion, but our ethical imagination—an imagination capable of recognising that greatness is most truly honoured when it is understood, not mythologised; when it is lived, not merely admired. In embracing this calling, we protect not only the memory of Muhammad, but the moral possibilities for our own time.

 

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Reeves, Minou, Muhammad in Europe: A Thousand Years of Western Myth-Making (New York University Press, 2003)

Religion, Politics and the End of the World: A TruthDig Debate (Video Title: Debate Chris Hedges vs Sam Harris Religion, Politics FULL) (YouTube, TruthDig, Global Voices for Justice, LA36, 2007) <https://www.truthdig.com/articles/religion-politics-and-the-end-of-the-world/>

Robinson, Neal, ‘The Crucifixion – Non-Muslim Approaches’, in Christ in Islam and Christianity: The Representation of Jesus in the Quran and the Classical Muslim Commentaries (Suny Press, State University of New York Press, 1991)

Rodinson, Maxime, Mahomet (Club Français du Livre, Éditions du Seuil, 1961)

Rogerson, Barnaby, The Prophet Muhammad: A Biography (Abacus, 2007)

Sahali, Adil, Muhammad: Man and Prophet (The Islamic Foundation, 2010)

Said, Edward Wadie, Orientalism (Vintage Books, 1979)

Sardar, Ziauddin, Muhammad: All That Matters (Hodder & Stoughton, 2012)

Schadler, Peter, John of Damascus and Islam: Christian Heresiology and the Intellectual Background to Earliest Christian-Muslim Relations. The History of Christian-Muslim Relations (Brill Publishers, 2017)

Schimmel, Annemarie, And Muhammad Is His Messenger : The Veneration of the Prophet in Islamic Piety (University of North Carolina Press, 1985)

Setton, Kenneth Meyer, Western Hostility to Islam and Prophecies of Turkish Doom (Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society) (Diane Publishing, 1992)

Shahin, Shahwiqar, ‘Ṣirāt Al-Mustaqīm: Finding the Middle Way Between Exaggeration (Ifrāṭ) and Negligence (Tafrīṭ)’, Academia.Edu, 2025, p. 6

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——, Complete Works of Voltaire, trans. by T Besterman (Voltaire Foundation, Oxford University Press, 1968), 20b

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——, Muhammad at Medina (Oxford University Press, 1956)

——, Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman (Oxford University Press, USU, 1961)

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References

[1] Quran (21:107)

[2] ‘Muhammad’, in Encyclopædia Britannica (Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc, 10 January 2007); John L Esposito, Islam: The Straight Path (Oxford University Press, 1998), iii, p. 14; William Montgomery Watt, Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman (Oxford University Press, USU, 1961), p. 231.

[3] Quran (74:24),

[4] Quran (21:5), (68:2-5)

[5] Quran (21:5), (23:38)

[6] Sin: sīra (سيرة), Pl: siyar (سير). Which translates as, “conduct” “behaviour” or “the biography of Muhammad.” See “مدرسة” in, Hans Wehr, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic: Arabic-English., ed. by J. M. Cowan, 3rd edn (Spoken Language Services Inc, U.S, 1976), p. 447.

[7] To find out more about the dangers of both embellishing and neglecting the legacy of Muhammad, read my article, Ṣirāt al-Mustaqīm: Finding the Middle Way Between Exaggeration (ifrāṭ) and Negligence (tafrīṭ).

[8] Quran (74:24),

[9] Quran (21:5), (68:2-5)

[10] Quran (21:5), (23:38)

[11] Quran (44:14)

[12] Quran (21:5), (37:36)

[13] Quran (69:42)

[14] Quran (25:41)

[15] Quran (8:31), (16:24), (23:84), (25:5)

[16] Quran (21:107)

[17] ‘Muhammad’; Esposito, Islam: The Straight Path, iii, p. 14; Watt, Muhammad, p. 231.

[18] Henry Stubbe and Mahmud Khan Shairani, An Account of the Rise and Progress of Mahometanism : With the Life of Mahomet and a Vindication of Him and His Religion from the Calumnies of the Christians (Luzac & Co, 1911), p. 211; Adrian Hastings, Alistair Mason, and Hugh S Pyper, The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought (Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 330.

[19] See “Muhammad” in, ‘Encyclopaedia of Islam (Mif-Naz)’, ed. by P. Bearman and others (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1986); Frederick Quinn, The Prophet as Antichrist and Arab Lucifer (Early Times to 1600) – The Sum of All Heresies: The Image of Islam in Western Thought (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 17–54; Hugh Goddard, The First Age of Christian-Muslim Interaction (c. 830/215): A History of Christian-Muslim Relation (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2000), pp. 34–49.; Walter Emil Jr Kaegi, Initial Byzantine Reactions to the Arab Conquest (Church History, 1969), 38 (2), pp. 139–42., quoting from Doctrina Jacobi nuper baptizati 86–87.

[20] St John of Damascus and Frederic Hathaway Chase, Saint John of Damascus: Writings (Fathers of the Church, Inc, 1958); St John of Damascus, The Fountain of Knowledge: On Heresies, trans. by Catholic Libtary, ii <https://catholiclibrary.org/library/view?docId=Synchronized-EN/Damascus.FountKnowledge2.en.html;query=Nestorian;chunk.id=00000271>.

[21] St. John of Damascus, Writings, by St John of Damascus (The Fathers of the Church, Catholic University of America Press, 1958), xxxvii, pp. 153–60.

Neal Robinson, ‘The Crucifixion – Non-Muslim Approaches’, in Christ in Islam and Christianity: The Representation of Jesus in the Quran and the Classical Muslim Commentaries (Suny Press, State University of New York Press, 1991), pp. 106–07; Peter Schadler, John of Damascus and Islam: Christian Heresiology and the Intellectual Background to Earliest Christian-Muslim Relations. The History of Christian-Muslim Relations (Brill Publishers, 2017), pp. 115–16.

[22] ‘Muhammad’.

[23] Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Muhammad: Man of God (ABC International Group Inc, 1995), p. 93.

[24] Quinn, The Prophet as Antichrist and Arab Lucifer (Early Times to 1600) – The Sum of All Heresies: The Image of Islam in Western Thought, pp. 17–54; Goddard, The First Age of Christian-Muslim Interaction (c. 830/215): A History of Christian-Muslim Relation, pp. 34–49; Michael Curtis, Orientalism and Islam: European Thinkers on Oriental Despotism in the Middle East and India (Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 31; Heiko Hartmann, ‘Wolfram’s Islam: The Beliefs of the Muslim Pagans in Parzival and Willehalm’, in East Meets West in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times: Transcultural Experiences in the Premodern World. Fundamentals of Medieval and Early Modern Culture, ed. by Albrecht Classen (De Gruyter, 2013), xiv, pp. 427–42.

[25] Charles Tieszen, The Christian Encounter with Muhammad: How Theologians Have Interpreted the Prophet (Bloomsbury Academic, 2021), pp. 147–49.

[26] Curtis, Orientalism and Islam: European Thinkers on Oriental Despotism in the Middle East and India, p. 31.

[27] Thomas Aquinas, Summa Contra Gentiles – St. Thomas Aquinas: On the Truth of the Catholic Faith. Book One: God., trans. by Anton C Pegis (Image Books, Doubleday & Company, Inc, 1955), pp. 73–74.

[28] Minou Reeves, Muhammad in Europe: A Thousand Years of Western Myth-Making (New York University Press, 2003), p. 3.

[29] Kenneth Meyer Setton, Western Hostility to Islam and Prophecies of Turkish Doom (Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society) (Diane Publishing, 1992), pp. 4–15.

[30] Dante Aligheri, The Divine Comedy, Volume I – The Inferno, trans. by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow (Barnes & Noble Classics, 2003), p. 144.

[31] Philip Willan, ‘Al-Qaida Plot to Blow up Bologna Church Fresco’, The Guardian, 24 June 2002, section World news <https://www.theguardian.com/world/2002/jun/24/arts.artsnews>.

[32] Eric Pyle, William Blake’s Illustration for Dante’s Divine Comedy: A Study of the Engravings, Pencil Sketches and Watercolors. (McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 2015).

[33] Ayesha Akram, ‘What’s Behind Muslim Cartoon Outrage’, San Francisco Chronicle (San Francisco, California, 11 February 2006); Watt, Muhammad, p. 229.

[34] Ali Hassanpour Darbandi, ‘A Moral Fanatic or a Role-Model? The Portrayal of Prophet Mohammad in Voltaire’s Works’ (presented at the 10th National Conferene on Management & Humanistic Science Research in Iran, Department of English Language and Literature, Faculty of Foreign Languages and Literatures, University of Tehran, 2021), pp. 5–6, 8.

[35] Edward Wadie Said, Orientalism (Vintage Books, 1979), p. 68.

[36] Watt, Muhammad, p. 229.

[37] M. de Voltaire, An Essay on Universal History: The Manners, and Spirit of Nations – From the Reign of Charlemaign to the Age of Lewis XIV, trans. by M Nugent, 2nd edn (Harvard College Library, 1759), i, pp. 36–59.

[38] M. de Voltaire, Complete Works of Voltaire, trans. by T Besterman (Voltaire Foundation, Oxford University Press, 1968), 20b, p. 335.

[39] Theodor Nöldeke, Das Leben Muhammed’s (Rümpler, 1863).

[40] Étienne Dinet and Sliman Ben Ibrahim, La Vie de Mohammed Prophete d’Allah (Klincksieck, 2014).

[41] Andrae, Tor, Die Person Muhammeds in Lehre Und Glauben Seiner Gemeinde (Forgotten Books, 2019).

[42] Tor Andrae, Muhammad, the Man and His Faith, trans. by Theophil Menzel (George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1936).

[43] William Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca (Oxford University Press, 1953).

[44] William Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina (Oxford University Press, 1956).

[45] Watt, Muhammad.

[46] Emile Dermenghem, Men of Wisdom:  Muhammad and the Islamic Tradition, trans. by Jean M Watt (Harper & Brothers, Longman, 1958).

[47] Maxime Rodinson, Mahomet (Club Français du Livre, Éditions du Seuil, 1961).

[48] Karen Armstrong, Muhammad: A Biography of the Prophet (Harper One, 1992).

[49] Karen Armstrong, Muhammad:  A Prophet of Our Time (Harper One, 2007).

[50] Hans Kung, Islam: Past, Present and Future (Oneworld Publications, 2008).

[51] Barnaby Rogerson, The Prophet Muhammad: A Biography (Abacus, 2007).

[52] Adil Sahali, Muhammad: Man and Prophet (The Islamic Foundation, 2010).

[53] Annemarie Schimmel, And Muhammad Is His Messenger : The Veneration of the Prophet in Islamic Piety (University of North Carolina Press, 1985).

[54] Martin Lings, Muhammad: His Life Based on the Earliest Sources (George Allen and Unwin, 1983).

[55] Wahiduddin Khan, The Prophet Of Peace: Teachings of the Prophet Muhammad (Penguin, 2009).

[56] Safi-ur-Rahman Mubarakpuri, Ar-Raḥīq al-Makhtūm (The Sealed Nectar): Biography of the Prophet (Dar-us-Salam Publications, 2002).

[57] Tariq Ramadan, The Messenger: The Meanings of the Life of Muhammad (Penguin Books, 2008).

[58] Tariq Ramadan, In the Footsteps of the Prophet: Lessons from the Life of Muhammad (Oxford University Press, 2015).

[59] Ziauddin Sardar, Muhammad: All That Matters (Hodder & Stoughton, 2012).

[60] David S Margoliouth, Mohammed and the Rise of Islam (Putnam, 1905), pp. 88–89, 104–06.

[61] William Muir, The Life of Mahomet (Smith, Elder and Co, 1861), iv, p. 583.

[62] Religion, Politics and the End of the World: A TruthDig Debate (Video Title: Debate Chris Hedges vs Sam Harris Religion, Politics FULL) (Los Angeles, California: YouTube, TruthDig, Global Voices for Justice, LA36, 2007) <https://www.truthdig.com/articles/religion-politics-and-the-end-of-the-world/>,  Running Time: 1 hour, 27 minutes, 44 seconds, (Timestamp: 50 minutes, 00 seconds).

[63] Douglas Murray and others, ‘Islam Is a Religion of Peace’ (presented at the Intelligence Squared: The World of Debate, New York: Intelligence Squared, 2010) <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r9378Nsx_zk>. Running Time  1 hour, 38 minutes 58 seconds. (Timestamp: 28 minutes, 55 seconds).

[64] İlhami Oruçoğlu, ‘Perception of the Prophet Muhammad (Pbuh) Presented in Modern Sirah Literature’, International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 2.7 (2012), pp. 71–75 (pp. 74–75).

[65] Tehreem Fatima and Aqsa Tasgheer, ‘The Rationalistic-Critical Approach of Orientalists in Seerah Writings: An Exploratory Study of Modern Trends’, Al-Wifaq Research Journal of Islamic Studies, 5.1 (2022), pp. 86–97 (p. 89).

[66] Fatima and Tasgheer, ‘The Rationalistic-Critical Approach of Orientalists in Seerah Writings: An Exploratory Study of Modern Trends’, pp. 93–94.

[67] Fatima and Tasgheer, ‘The Rationalistic-Critical Approach of Orientalists in Seerah Writings: An Exploratory Study of Modern Trends’, p. 91.

[68] Fatima and Tasgheer, ‘The Rationalistic-Critical Approach of Orientalists in Seerah Writings: An Exploratory Study of Modern Trends’, pp. 95–96.

[69] Shahwiqar Shahin, ‘Ṣirāt Al-Mustaqīm: Finding the Middle Way Between Exaggeration (Ifrāṭ) and Negligence (Tafrīṭ)’, Academia.Edu, 2025, p. 6.

[70] ifrāṭ (إفراط), which translate as “excess,” “exaggeration,” or “going beyond proper bounds”—especially in thought, action, or expression. See “افراط” in Wehr, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, p. 706.

[71] tafrīṭ (تفريط), which translates as “negligence,” “deficiency,” or “falling short” See “تفريط” in Wehr, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, p. 706.