You can read this article on Academia.edu by clicking the following link: Contours of the Dars-i-Niẓāmī: The Pedagogical Legacy of the Deobandi Movement.
Abstract
The Dars-i-Niẓāmī curriculum has been instrumental in shaping Islamic scholarship in South Asia, particularly within the Deobandi movement. Emerging amid the Mughal-era educational reforms and the pressures of British colonial rule, it functioned as both an intellectual response and a strategic act of resistance. Unlike earlier madāris, which embraced a diverse range of intellectual traditions, the Deobandi adaptation of the curriculum emphasized theological orthodoxy, legal conservatism, and doctrinal purity. This transformation was not merely a reaction to colonial encroachment but a deliberate effort to preserve Islamic epistemology in a rapidly changing socio-political landscape.
This study critically examines the historical evolution and enduring impact of the Dars-i-Niẓāmī within the Deobandi tradition. It traces the curriculum’s shift from an inclusive intellectual framework to a more insular and protectionist model under British rule. By situating its development within the broader context of Mughal educational policies, the study reveals how the curriculum was reconfigured in response to colonial secularisation and internal theological debates. Through a systematic analysis of its pedagogical structure, epistemological foundations, and ideological trajectory, this paper underscores how the Dars-i-Niẓāmī became the intellectual backbone of Deobandi seminaries, shaping generations of ‘ulamā and leaving a lasting imprint on global Islamic thought.
While the findings highlight the curriculum’s historical resilience and its role in preserving Islamic scholarship, they do not directly assess its ability to address contemporary intellectual challenges. However, the study raises critical questions about the future of Islamic pedagogy, which are explored in the epilogue. The conclusion reflects on the potential for reimagining the Dars-i-Niẓāmī within a postmodern educational paradigm—one that honours its legacy while engaging with the evolving intellectual currents of a globalised world.
Keywords: Dars-i-Niẓāmī, Islamic education, Deobandi movement, madrasa curriculum, Islamic scholarship, South Asian Islam, Islamic pedagogy, Mughal-era education, British colonialism and Islam, Islamic epistemology, legal conservatism in Islam, Islamic intellectual history, religious education reform, pedagogical transformation, epistemological shifts, curriculum adaptation, educational secularisation, postmodern Islamic thought, global Islamic education, Islamic seminaries in the modern era, future of Islamic pedagogy, Islamic curriculum reform.
Introduction
Education has long served as the backbone of Islamic intellectual and spiritual traditions, shaping the theological, legal, and cultural landscapes of Muslim societies. Nowhere is this more evident than in the Indian subcontinent, where Islamic scholarship has evolved through a dynamic interplay of tradition, reform, and resistance. From the early madāris[1] established in South Asia by Mālik ibn Dīnār to the Dars-i-Niẓāmī – a structured and systematic curriculum designed to safeguard Islamic learning against colonial encroachment. Educational institutions have played a crucial role in preserving and transmitting religious knowledge while adapting to changing political and ideological realities. Amid these transformations, the Deobandi movement emerged in the wake of the Mughal Empire’s decline and the expansion of British colonial rule, establishing itself as a bastion of Islamic revivalism and educational conservatism.
Rooted in the pedagogical framework of the Dars-i-Niẓāmī, the Deobandi model of education sought to counteract the relentless incursions of colonial hegemony. Unlike earlier educational paradigms that embraced a rich synthesis of diverse intellectual traditions – incorporating Greek philosophy, Sufi metaphysics, and Hindu scriptural traditions – scholars (‘ulamā)[2] of the Deobandi movement adopted a more rigid epistemological approach, prioritising theological orthodoxy, legal conservatism, and an uncompromising commitment to doctrinal purity. Their efforts were not merely a defensive reaction to British imperialism but rather a deliberate and calculated reclamation of Islamic authority, designed to withstand the seismic disruptions of a rapidly shifting socio-political landscape.
This paper delves into the pedagogical foundations of the Deobandi movement, tracing its intellectual and educational evolution through the Dars-i-Niẓāmī, the educational reforms of the Mughal era, and the far-reaching socio-political upheavals that followed the Indian Rebellion of 1857. It examines how Deobandi ‘ulamā redefined Islamic education, responding to both British secularisation policies and internal theological debates, ultimately shaping the religious consciousness of South Asian Muslims.
Moreover, this paper investigates how the Deobandi movement’s restructuring of madāris, dūr al-ʿulūm,[3] and Islamic seminaries was not merely a reaction to colonial hegemony but a deliberate effort to protect and consolidate Islamic epistemology against the growing influence of modernist and reformist ideologies. By analysing these dimensions, this paper underscores the enduring impact of the Deobandi educational model on Islamic thought and scholarship in the subcontinent and beyond, highlighting its lasting legacy within the global landscape of Islamic education.
Education and Empire: The Evolution of Islamic Learning in South Asia
Islamic education in the Indian subcontinent boasts a long and illustrious history, tracing its origins back to the eighth century. During this period, Mālik ibn Dīnār (d. 748 CE), a prominent student of Hasan al-Baṣrī (642–728 CE), settled in Kerala, India, alongside Arab traders, soldiers, preachers, and teachers.[4] Emerging from this initial foothold, early Arab settlers expanded their presence to regions such as Sindh and the Punjab, now part of modern-day Pakistan. It was here that ibn Dinar established the first madāris to preserve and spread Islam among both Arab settlers and new converts to the faith.[5]
These early South Asian madāris adhered to the pedagogical traditions of Basra and Damascus, serving as centres of Islamic scholarship and learning. They became repositories of core Islamic disciplines, including Qur’anic exegesis (tafāsīr),[6] the Prophetic traditions (‘aḥādīth),[7] Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), and the principles underlying jurisprudence (uṣūl al-fiqh).[8] Beyond their role in preserving and disseminating Islamic beliefs, practices, thought and law, these institutions also embraced a broader intellectual tradition. They housed works on Sanskrit and Greek literature, mathematics, astronomy, astrology, philosophy, and medicine, bridging cultural and intellectual exchanges between Islamic and pre-Islamic traditions.[9]
Islamic education in the Indian subcontinent underwent successive and transformative reforms under the patronage of the Mughal Empire (1526–1857 CE). These reforms were particularly notable during the reign of the third Mughal Emperor, Jalāl al-Dīn Muḥammad Akbar (1542–1605 CE; reign: 1556–1605 CE), whose progressive vision redefined the empire’s educational landscape. Under Akbar’s rule, state-sponsored institutions – including makātib[10] (primary schools), madāris (higher religious seminaries), and dār al-ʿulūm (centres for advanced Islamic scholarship) – emerged as central forces driving educational reform.
The following provides an overview of the three distinct tiers of Islamic academies that flourished between the fourteenth and seventeenth centuries, shaping the intellectual and religious fabric of Mughal India.
| 1. Maktab/Kuttāb[11]: | A traditional elementary Islamic school, primarily attended by boys, lays the foundation for religious education. It focuses on teaching Arabic, equipping students with the skills to read, recite, and memorise the Qur’ān. Rote learning remains the core method, reinforcing mastery through repetition and discipline.[12]
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| 2. Madrasa: | An Islamic institute of higher learning, the madrasa functioned as a hub of advanced scholarship, where students pursue in-depth studies of the Qur’an and its commentaries (tafāsīr), ḥādīth traditions, and advanced Arabic grammar. During the medieval and pre-modern periods, the Mughal Sultanate enriched this educational framework by incorporating compulsory secular subjects, including mathematics, logic, philosophy, and the natural sciences, reflecting a holistic approach to education that integrated religious and secular knowledge.[13]
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| 3. Dār al-ʿulūm: | The Dār al-ʿUlūm, which translates to “House of Science,” represents a higher tier of Islamic education, surpassing that of the maktab and madrasa in both depth and scope. Its primary purpose is to train scholars (ʿulamā) who preserve and interpret the Qurʾān, ḥadīth, Islamic law (fiqh), and various strands of Islamic thought.
One of the most influential dūr al-ʿulūm under British rule in India was established in Deoband, a village north of Delhi. The Dār al-ʿUlūm of Deoband sought to cultivate a new generation of ʿulamāʾ who work to… |
…protect [the] Indian Muslim identity against British influences, but they also sought to steer the faithful away from what they saw as sinful, innovative local practices.[14]
Among the three tiers of Islamic education in India, institutions were further distinguished by their ideological orientations, theological underpinnings, and allegiance to specific Islamic legal schools (madhāhib).[15] Sufi-influenced makātib, madāris, and zawāyā[16] (spiritual retreat) sought to elevate students’ spiritual consciousness, guiding them toward the mystical realisation of waḥdat al-wujūd (the unity of existence),[17] a philosophy grounded in pantheistic thought. In contrast, Deobandi katātib, madāris, and dūr al-ʿulūm adhered to a more conservative and orthodox educational ethos, prioritising the preservation of what they considered the purest and most unadulterated form of Islam, while also categorically rejecting alternative interpretations, deeming them as deviations from true religious orthodoxy. [18]
Driven by his ambition to unify the religious and social diversity of the subcontinent, Emperor Akbar sought to institutionalise Dīn-i Ilāhī as the official creed of his sultanate, positioning himself as its spiritual leader. Dīn-i Ilāhī represented a comprehensive programme of religious and social reform, synthesising elements from the beliefs and practices of his Muslim, Hindu, Christian, Jain, and Zoroastrian subjects.[19]
Among the key architects of these reforms was Akbar’s Grand Vizier and Ṣadr al-Ṣudūr,[20] Mīr Fathullāh Shīrāzī (d. 1589),[21] an ʿālim of the Ishrāqi tradition.[22] Shīrāzī provided Akbar with intellectual justifications for his ambitious vision of religious and social transformation. Shīrāzī’s peripatetic approach to philosophy, comparative religion, mysticism, and occult traditions resonated deeply with Akbar’s affinity for cultural and religious pluralism. As a polymath, Shīrāzī…
…combined the study of scripture, the traditional religious sciences, and the intellectual sciences, laying the basis for the Dars-i-Nizami, a curriculum taught in most of Indian Madrasas till the late Mughal period.[23]
As Akbar’s Grand Vizier and Ṣadr al-Ṣudūr, Shīrāzī managed the sultanate’s religious endowment (waqf),[24] which provided him with access to substantial financial resources. This access to the state’s treasury (bayt al-māl)[25] enabled him to implement transformative reforms in the religious and cultural education of the subcontinent. These reforms reflected Shīrāzī’s expansive intellectual vision and his penchant for spiritual eclecticism, culminating in the creation of a cohesive sultanate curriculum that synthesised diverse traditions and disciplines. Shīrāzī’s curriculum included an extensive array of secular subjects, including mathematics, astronomy, medicine, philosophy, logic, geography, agriculture, home economics, geometry, chemistry, biology, physics, and languages such as Arabic, Persian, and Sanskrit. This multidisciplinary syllabus was complemented by a robust selection of religious studies, including Qur’ānic exegesis (tafāsīr), the history and sciences of ḥādīth, Islamic law, Sufism, and Hindu sacred texts such as the Yoga-Vāsiṣṭha and the Mahābhārata.[26] Shīrāzī’s curriculum was institutionalised as the official educational framework of the sultanate, ensuring its adoption across religious and academic institutions throughout the subcontinent, where…
…all the students, irrespective of caste, colour, creed and place of birth, used to study together under the same roof to get [an] education.[27]
Since its inception, the secular component of the Shīrāzī’s curriculum for the Mughal sultanate has remained largely unchanged; however, its religious and artistic elements failed to align with the expectations of Muslim families and the rest of the empire. Many in the Indian subcontinent reminisced about living under the reign of Akbar’s predecessors, such as Zahir ud-Din Muhammad Babar (1483–1530 CE; reign 1526–1530), a patron of the arts and calligraphy,[28] and Sultan Shahab-ud-Din Muhammad Ghori of the Ghurid Empire (1173–1206 CE), who championed the study of fiqh across the region.[29]
While Akbar was committed to educating all of his subjects equally, he was also driven by a desire to surpass those who came before him. To this end, he introduced provisions for both residential education and home-schooling, catering to those who sought a more specialised cultural or religious education. These efforts led to the rise of numerous privately funded religious seminaries, which enriched and refined the cultural and religious dimensions of the sultanate’s curriculum.[30] Among these institutions, the Firangi Maḥall in Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh, stood out as a distinguished centre of learning.
Firangi Maḥall: From Foreign Hands to Islamic Minds
During Akbar’s reign, Lucknow developed into a thriving commercial centre, attracting European traders who sought opportunities in the region’s vibrant markets. One of its notable establishments was the Firangi Maḥall (literally “Foreigner’s Palace”), originally built by French fabric merchants as a guesthouse to accommodate European visitors. For several years, the Firangi Maḥall served this purpose, catering exclusively to the needs of foreign guests. However, the building’s purpose shifted dramatically with the rise of Sultan Muhammad Aurangzeb Alamgir, the sixth Mughal emperor (1618–1707 CE; reigned 1658–1707 CE). Upon assuming power, Aurangzeb confiscated the property and subsequently granted it to Muhammad Nizam al-Din Sihalwi (1677–1748 CE) and his brother, Kutb al-Din. This transfer served as compensation for the untimely death of their father, reflecting Aurangzeb’s patronage and his dedication to supporting notable scholars and their families.[31]
As distinguished ‘ulamā of fiqh and ḥadīth in the Indian subcontinent and followers of the Naqshbandī Ṣūfī order, Sihalwī and his family were granted a substantial waqf (endowment) to support their intellectual and religious pursuits. This financial patronage aligned with the conservative policies of Aurangzeb, who sought to preserve and promote traditional Islam across his empire.[32] Sihalwī used these funds to restore and repurpose the Firangī Maḥall, converting it from a guesthouse into a thriving Islamic seminary. Consequently, the institution flourished, emerging as a preeminent centre of Islamic scholarship throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.[33]
Sihalwī briefly collaborated with Shāh Walī Ullāh of Delhi (1703–1762 CE), a distinguished ‘ālim, muḥadith[34] (traditionist), and mujaddid[35] (renewer) of Islamic thought in the Indian subcontinent. Together, they contributed to the compilation of the Fatāwā-e-‘Ālamgīrī, an extensive codification of Islamic legal rulings that shaped governance in the subcontinent during the reigns of Sultan Muḥammad Aurangzeb ‘Ālamgīr and Sultan Bahādur Shāh (1643–1712 CE, reign: 1707–1712 CE).
Despite their shared scholarly stature among the ‘ulamā class, Sihalwī and Shāh Walī Ullāh responded differently to the Mughal Empire’s decline and the expanding British influence.[36] Sihalwī and his colleagues at the Firangī Maḥall adapted to the shifting socio-political landscape, engaging pragmatically with the realities of colonial rule. In contrast, Shāh Walī Ullāh rejected any accommodation with British authorities, advocating instead for resistance and the revival of Islamic governance.[37] Their divergent approaches reflected broader debates among the ‘ulamā on how best to navigate the precarious developments reshaping the subcontinent.
The Dars-i-Niẓāmī: Islamic Learning Reimagined
The Dars-i-Niẓāmī, developed and named after Muhammad Nizam al-Din Sihalwī, remains one of the most influential and enduring curricula in Islamic education. It has shaped the intellectual and theological training of ‘ulamā across major South Asian Islamic movements, including the Barelvi, Deobandi, and Ahl al-Ḥadīth traditions. Emerging during a time of profound socio-political change, this educational system played a crucial role in consolidating and preserving Islamic scholarship under Aurangzeb’s rule.
Sihalwī, working closely with his faculty at the Firangī Maḥall and collaborating with scholars from various Islamic institutions, crafted a curriculum that aligned with Aurangzeb’s vision of strengthening religious learning. Much like Shīrāzī, who had designed a curriculum tailored to Emperor Akbar’s imperial vision, Sihalwī’s reforms reflected the priorities of Aurangzeb’s reign. The Dars-i-Niẓāmī introduced a structured and systematic approach to Islamic learning, ensuring the rigorous transmission of theological principles, jurisprudential traditions, and religious sciences to future generations.
Aurangzeb’s commitment to safeguarding the Islamic heritage of the Mughal state provided the ideal context for the Dars-i-Niẓāmī to evolve. Sihalwī introduced key revisions to the existing sultanate curriculum, which had been shaped by earlier pedagogical models from Akbar’s reign and the scholarship of figures like Shīrāzī. While upholding the study of core Islamic disciplines, Sihalwī recognised the shortcomings of rote memorisation, a long-standing feature of traditional Islamic education in the subcontinent. In response, he structured the Dars-i-Niẓāmī to balance theological instructions with intellectual inquiry. The curriculum was divided into ‘ulūm al-naqlīyah (The Revealed Sciences) and ‘ulūm al-‘aqlīyah (The Rational Sciences), ensuring a comprehensive approach to learning that resonated with the scholarly traditions of South Asian Islam.[38]
| Revealed Sciences | Rational Sciences |
| Arabic Conjugation and Grammar (‘ilm al- ṣarf) | Logic (manṭiq) |
| Arabic Syntax (‘ilm al- naḥw) | Philosophy |
| Elaboration and rhetoric (‘ilm al-bayan wal ma‘āni) | Theology |
| Islamic law (fiqh) | Mathematics |
| Islamic legal theories (uṣūl al-fiqh) | Astronomy |
| Ḥādīth | |
| Commentaries of the Qur’an (tafāsīr) |
The Dars-i-Niẓāmī curriculum is structured into three progressive stages, each culminating in a certification that denotes the completion of a specific level of scholarship. After seven years of study, students earn the ‘Ālim certificate, which is equivalent to a bachelor’s degree. Those who pursue an additional two years receive the Fāḍil certificate, comparable to a master’s qualification. The most advanced stage, spanning eleven years of rigorous study, leads to the Kāmil certificate, regarded as equivalent to a doctoral degree. This structured framework not only standardises Islamic education but also provides a clear academic pathway for aspiring ‘ulamā.[39]
Each academic year within the programme is structured around a prescribed set of textbooks covering both the Revealed and Rational Sciences. The teaching method follows a traditional yet interactive approach. A designated student reads aloud from the assigned text while the rest of the class listens attentively. At the teacher’s discretion, the reading is paused once a sufficient portion of the material has been covered. The teacher then elaborates on the passage, providing explanations, interpretations, and critical insights to enhance the students’ understanding. This approach not only strengthens textual comprehension but also cultivates analytical thinking and critical engagement with the material. [40]
During British rule in India, the Dars-i-Niẓāmī curriculum was further modified to align with the changing educational landscape under colonial administration. These revisions introduced new textbooks and commentaries while incorporating annotated updates to existing primers. These adaptations reflected the shifting intellectual climate and the growing influence of British governance on Islamic scholarship in the subcontinent.[41]
Following Akbar’s reign, India’s madāris and dūr al-ʿulūm institutions widely embraced Shīrāzī’s curriculum. However, traditionist ʿulamā sought to refine its content, removing elements they deemed contentious or incompatible with orthodox Islamic thought. They eliminated aspects they viewed as pantheistic or heterodox, including Sufi metaphysics, Greek philosophy, and references to Hindu texts.
Amid these curricular reforms, Sihalwī’s Dars-i-Niẓāmī swiftly gained prominence among Muslim students and their families, renowned for its structured and systematic approach to Islamic education. By the end of Aurangzeb’s reign, it had supplanted earlier pedagogical models, solidifying its status as the dominant curriculum in the Mughal Empire’s Islamic seminaries. [42]
Muḥammad Taqī ‘Uthmānī, Vice President of the Dār al-‘Ulūm madrasa in Karachi, underscored the Dars-i-Niẓāmī’s pivotal role in preserving the Islamic scholarly tradition and ensuring the transmission of religious knowledge across generations:
After the Moguls took control over India, the Dars-e- Nizami system became widespread in south Asia. India came to be known worldwide for its educational institutions imparting religious sciences. It was this very system that pushed the Asian society towards great success.[43]
In the eighteenth century, the Dars-i-Niẓāmī played a pivotal role in shaping a new generation of traditionist ‘ulamā, equipping them with a more sophisticated and comprehensive scholarly foundation. This emerging cohort received advanced training in modern linguistics, hermeneutics, and the material sciences, enabling them to engage with the Qur’ān and ḥadīth collections with greater analytical depth and precision.
By integrating these disciplines, the ‘ulamā developed the intellectual tools necessary to interpret sacred texts within the evolving socio-political and cultural landscape of Mughal India. This nuanced approach allowed them to address contemporary challenges with scholarly rigour, ensuring that Islamic thought remained both relevant and responsive to the complexities of the time:
This system of education [dars-i-niẓāmī] encompassed Arabic linguistics, exegesis, hadith, law, theology, logic and philosophy, arithmetic, medicine, and engineering. Given that the dars-i-niẓāmī comprised all religious and nonreligious [literally: worldly] sciences, the Muslim students graduating from this system of education were capable of fulfilling their responsibilities in all fields of practical life. …The basic purpose of this system of education was to enable a person to develop a mastery of his religion, to strengthen his beliefs and base his practical life on religious foundations, to be fully acquainted with demonstrative proofs for the rectitude of his belief and practice, so that foreign ideas would not deceive him … Once he had completed this education, a student could fearlessly take up medicine and science, logic and philosophy, or exegesis, hadith, and law; in no case was there any fear that he would lose the right path.[44]
The Dār al-‘Ulūm of Deoband: ‘Ulamā Who Chose the Pen Over the Sword
After Aurangzeb’s death, the Mughal Empire withered, gradually losing its ability to sustain India’s cultural, legal, and religious educational institutions. By the early nineteenth century, the British East India Company – originally established as the Governor and Company of Merchants of London Trading into the East Indies – had evolved from a trading entity into a de facto imperial force, wielding economic, military, and political power on behalf of the British Crown.[45]
Seizing upon India’s growing socio-economic instability, the Company carefully positioned itself to expand its territorial control, aligning its ambitions with Britain’s broader colonial objectives. This encroachment deepened with the British Parliamentary Charter Acts of 1813 and 1833, which withdrew state support from India’s indigenous educational institutions unless they adopted British pedagogical models. These policies eroded traditional learning, leaving institutions with a stark choice: conform or face decline. [46] By 1837, Persian was abolished as the official language of India’s courts and replaced with English – a shift that not only eroded centuries-old administrative traditions but also facilitated the systematic dismantling of Muslim criminal law. In its place, English Common Law was imposed, reshaping the legal foundations of British-ruled India.[47] For the British East India Company, the annexation of India was not merely an extension of British influence, but also an expression of their…
…confidence in the racial superiority of Europeans and in their God-given right to bring European order to less-developed peoples. The British exhibited an ever-increasing aloofness, superciliousness, and condescending attitude toward Indians.[48]
Throughout the nineteenth century, indigenous Indians watched in anguish as their provinces were annexed, their nation’s treasures and estates seized, and their people burdened with exorbitant taxes under British rule. The rapid Anglicisation of Indian society further deepened their grievances, fuelling widespread discontent. These mounting grievances culminated in the Indian Rebellion, which erupted on 10 May 1857 — an armed uprising that marked a decisive moment in India’s resistance against colonial oppression.[49]
The immediate catalyst for the uprising was the British East India Company’s flagrant disregard for the religious and cultural sensitivities of its Indian troops. Sepoys in the Company’s army were issued rifle cartridges rumoured to be greased with cow and pig fat – an egregious affront to both Hindu and Muslim soldiers. This provocation ignited widespread outrage among the ranks, turning simmering discontent into open rebellion, which swiftly spread across northern and central India.
What began as a mutiny among sepoys quickly escalated into a nationwide insurrection, engulfing key cities such as Delhi, Lucknow, Bihar, and Kanpur. Despite fierce resistance, the British ultimately crushed the rebellion. On 1 November 1858, British forces declared victory, leaving a trail of devastation in their wake. More than 800,000 Indians perished, alongside 6,000 Europeans, while many of India’s historic cities lay in ruins. [50]
The Indian Rebellion of 1857 profoundly reshaped British colonial policy, prompting a major overhaul of governance in India. Though ultimately suppressed, the uprising exposed the vulnerabilities of ruling a vast and diverse population through a commercial enterprise vested with royal assent. Recognising the inherent risks of this model, British Parliament enacted the Government of India Act of 1858, dissolving the British East India Company and transferring its administrative and territorial authority directly to the Crown.
This legislative transition marked the formal establishment of the British Raj, with Queen Victoria (1837-1901 CE) assuming the title Empress of India (reign: 1876 – 1901 CE). Seeking to consolidate British rule and prevent future unrest, Parliament adopted a new political framework, integrating India more explicitly into the imperial structure and designating its indigenous population as British subjects. While these measures were framed as reforms, they ultimately served to reinforce British hegemony, inaugurating nearly a century of direct colonial rule over the Indian subcontinent.
For Indians, the repercussions of the rebellion were far graver. Direct military action against the British army resulted in devastating loss of life, while many of India’s historic cities lay in ruin. The rebellion’s failure not only marked the demise of the Mughal Empire but also cemented British sovereignty over the subcontinent.
For India’s ‘ulamā, the rebellion served as a stark lesson in the perils of armed resistance. It demonstrated that military opposition not only threatened their survival but also jeopardised their land, their nation, and their religious identity. However, responses among the ‘ulamā varied. Some, such as Maḥmūd al-Ḥasan (1851-1920 CE), an ‘ālim and activist of the Indian independence movement, remained resolute in their belief that continued armed struggle was not only necessary but also a means of strengthening Muslim resolve to defend and advance Islam in India. [51]
Others, such as Muḥammad Qāsim Nānautawī (1832–1880 CE) and Rāshid Aḥmad Gangohī (1826–1905 CE) – who had previously called for armed resistance – reassessed their position in the aftermath of 1857. Recognising the futility of direct military conflict, they shifted their focus towards the preservation of India’s Muslim religious and cultural identity. Their efforts sought to counter British-led secularisation, which they perceived as a direct threat to Islamic institutions and traditions. Moreover, they viewed Hindu religious and cultural practices as equally aberrant from what they considered the authentic expression of Islam in the subcontinent.[52]
Having abandoned armed resistance, Nānautawī and Gangohī shifted their focus to intellectual and social reforms, seeking to preserve the religious and cultural identity of India’s Muslims. These traditionist ‘ulamā pursued their mission by establishing a Dār al-‘Ulūm in Deoband, a village approximately 130 miles north of Delhi.
Founded on 30 May 1866, the institution was governed by the Majlis-e-Shūrā (consultative council), which conducted a thorough assessment of the socio-political challenges facing Muslims under British rule. With the benefit of hindsight, the council recognised that direct military confrontation was futile, as India’s Muslims were ill-equipped to challenge Britain’s immense economic and military supremacy.
Instead, the ‘ulamā resolved to empower the Muslim community through education and spiritual guidance, reinforcing their faith and traditions against the growing influence of British imperial policies and Christian missionary efforts.[53]
The inaugural ceremony of the Dār al-‘Ulūm in Deoband was held at the Chatta Mosque in Deoband, attended by esteemed members of the Majlis-e-Shūrā (consultative council), who oversaw the newly established seminary. Among those present were:[54]
- Muḥammad Qāsim Nānautawī (1832 – 1880 CE) – The principal patron of the Dār al-‘Ulūm in Deoband, whose vision and leadership laid the foundation for the seminary’s establishment and educational philosophy.
- Mullā Maḥmūd Ḥasan Deobandī (d.1886 CE) – The first appointed teacher, responsible for delivering the initial lessons and setting the pedagogical framework.
- Muḥammad ‘Ābid Ḥusain (1834 – 1912 CE) – The rector, overseeing the institution’s administrative and academic affairs.
- Muḥammad Ya‘qūb (1833 – 1884 CE) – The first principal (Ṣadr Mudarris) and muftī,[55] entrusted with maintaining academic standards and issuing Islamic legal verdicts.
- Maḥmūd al-Ḥasan (1851 – 1920 CE) – The first enrolled student, who later emerged as a prominent anti-colonial activist, fiercely opposing British rule of India. His unwavering resistance earned him the esteemed title of Shaykh al-Hind (Shaykh of India).
Among the distinguished scholars who served as consultants and patrons of the Dār al-‘Ulūm in Deoband were Ẓulfiqār ‘Alī, Fazlur Rahmān Usmānī (1831 – 1907 CE), Rāshid Aḥmad Gangohī (1826 – 1905 CE), Mahtāb ‘Alī, Munshī Faḍl-i-Ḥaqq, and Nihāl Aḥmad.[56]
All founding members of the seminary were certified (mu‘tamad)[57] scholars, rigorously trained in the pedagogical tradition of Shāh Walī Allāh and graduates of the Dars-i-Niẓāmī.[58] Their collective expertise ensured that Dār al-‘Ulūm in Deoband remained firmly rooted in classical Islamic learning, while also adapting to the evolving socio-political landscape under British colonial rule.
In their bid to consolidate control over the Indian subcontinent, the British Raj systematically withdrew federal and provincial support from India’s religious educational institutions and legal bodies, particularly in regions where such patronage conflicted with imperial interests. This calculated policy sought to undermine religious scholarship, erode the influence of Islamic legal traditions, and diminish their role in Indian society.
In response, the founders of the Dār al-‘Ulūm in Deoband took proactive measures to counteract these attritional policies by securing independent sources of funding. Rather than depending on state patronage, they mobilised financial support from Muslim benefactors and community donations, with public collections held during Friday prayers to sustain the seminary’s operations. This grassroots initiative not only ensured the institution’s survival but also strengthened its bond with the wider Muslim community. Reflecting on this approach, Nānautawī, the principal patron of the Dār al-‘Ulūm in Deoband, remarked:
So long as the Madrasa does not [sic] have any regular and definite source of income, it will continue to exist, Insha-Allah, provided there is an honest reliance on and faith in His mercy and compassion; and when it comes [sic] to possess a definite source of income.[59]
Following the Indian Rebellion, Muslims across the subcontinent became increasingly committed to supporting movements dedicated to the revival of traditionist Islam. One such movement was led by the ‘ulamā of the Dār al-‘Ulūm in Deoband, who sought to reform the moral character and religious consciousness of India’s Muslims, aligning their lives with the exemplary conduct of the Prophet Muḥammad and his community – the Salaf al-Ṣāliḥ.
To realise this vision, the Majlis-e-Shūrā of the Dār al-‘Ulūm in Deoband secured funding to train students in accordance with the seminary’s objectives. The council firmly believed that a student’s full commitment to traditional Islamic education required complete financial support. Thus, those admitted to the Dār al-‘Ulūm in Deoband received generous scholarships, covering their tuition, accommodation, and study materials. This approach ensured that students could dedicate themselves fully to their religious training, free from financial burdens, and emerge as…
…learned men with [a] missionary zeal to work among the Muslim masses to create a truly religious awakening in them towards classical Islam, and to guard them against acceptance of un-Islamic beliefs and practices which were creeping in the Muslim society in the name of modernity, unorthodoxy and innovation (Bid’at).[60]
Epilogue: The Legacy of the Dars-i-Niẓāmī and the Future of Islamic Pedagogy
The Deobandi movement and its pedagogical foundation, the Dars-i-Niẓāmī, stand as one of the most enduring legacies of Islamic scholarship in South Asia. Born in the crucible of colonial upheaval, this educational framework was more than a curriculum; it was a strategic act of intellectual resistance. It sought to fortify the Muslim identity, preserve theological traditions, and establish a structured approach to transmitting religious knowledge. By blending Revealed and Rational Sciences, it produced generations of ‘ulamā trained to engage deeply with classic Islamic texts while resisting what they saw as the erosion of Islamic thought by European secularism and internal doctrinal dilution.
Yet, the very strength of this pedagogical model – its deep-rooted conservatism – has also been its greatest impediment. While it has effectively protected Islamic scholarship from colonial subjugation, its rigid adherence to traditionist epistemologies has, at times, hindered its ability to adapt to shifting socio-political landscapes. What once served as a necessary defence against cultural erasure has, in some cases, become an inherited reluctance to critically engage with modernity. The Deobandi approach remains a double-edged sword – a bastion of orthodoxy, ensuring continuity yet often at the cost of intellectual flexibility and reform.
As the Muslim world grapples with the complex challenges of the twenty-first century – legal reform, gender discourse, interfaith relations, the evolving role of religious scholarship in a globalised society, and the unprecedented phenomenon of Muslims choosing to live as minority citizens in secular societies – the question is no longer whether Islamic education must evolve, but rather how it will do so. Will the Dars-i-Niẓāmī remain a static relic of the past, or can it be reimagined as a dynamic framework that meets the demands of contemporary society?
The history of Islamic thought suggests that adaptation is not only possible but inevitable. Just as Sihalwī refined Shīrāzī’s curriculum to address the new socio-political realities under British rule, there is now an urgent need for a postmodern Islamic pedagogy that remains faithful to tradition while engaging with the intellectual and social transformations of a globalised world. The true challenge, particularly for the Deobandi movement, lies in navigating this delicate balance between preservation and progress – ensuring that any educational reform strengthens rather than undermines the foundations of Islamic scholarship.
The Deobandi movement, with all its intellectual discipline and ideological resolve, offers a profound case study in the power of education as both a tool of resistance and a vessel of continuity. Whether it remains an unyielding bastion of tradition or reclaims its place as a living, evolving intellectual tradition will determine its relevance in the centuries to come.
Glossary
| Term | Arabic script |
Definition
|
|
| ‘aḥādīth | أحاديث | Reports. Accounts. Tales. Narrations relating to the advice and deeds of the Prophet Muḥammad. Plural form of hadith. | |
| ‘ālim | عالم | An Islamic scholar. Singular form of ‘ulamā. | |
| awqāf | اوقاف | Religious bequests. Trusts. Endowments. Moratoriums. Plural form of waqf. | |
| bayt al-māl | بيت المال | Public treasury. | |
| dār al-ʿulūm | دار العلوم | Translating as “House of Science,” it is an advanced Islamic educational institution offering comprehensive and specialised religious and scholarly training. Its primary aim is to train the ‘ulamā through rigorous study of hermeneutics, theology, jurisprudence, and related disciplines. Singular form of dūr al-ʿulūm. | |
| Dars-i-Niẓāmī | درسِ نظامی | A traditional Islamic curriculum developed in the 18th century that blends religious and rational disciplines. It covers Arabic, hermeneutics, Islamic exegesis, theology, jurisprudence, logic, philosophy, mathematics, and astronomy, offering a well-rounded educational programme training the ‘ulamā of South Asia. | |
| dūr al-ʿulūm | دور العلو | Translating as “Houses of Science,” they are advanced Islamic educational institutions offering comprehensive and specialised religious and scholarly training. Its primary aim is to train the ‘ulamā through rigorous study of hermeneutics, theology, jurisprudence, and related disciplines. Plural form of dār al-ʿulūm. | |
| fatāwā | فتاوى | Islamic legal opinions. Plural form of fatwā. | |
| fatwā | فتوى | Islamic legal opinion. Singular form of fatāwā. | |
| fiqh | فقه | To understand. To comprehend. An understanding of Islamic law. | |
| Firangi Maḥall | فرنگی محل | A renowned Islamic institution in Lucknow, India, has played a pivotal role in Islamic scholarship. It is best known for developing the Dars-i-Niẓāmī curriculum, which has shaped the epistemologies of South Asian ‘ulamā for centuries. | |
| ḥādīth | حديث | A report. An account. A tale. A narration relating to the advice and deeds of the Prophet Muḥammad and his companions. Singular form of ‘ahadith. | |
| ‘ilm al- naḥw | علم النحو | Arabic syntax. | |
| ‘ilm al- ṣarf | عِلْمُ الصَّرْف | Arabic conjugation and grammar | |
| ‘ ilm al-bayān wal-ma‘ānī | علم البيان والمعاني | The science of elaboration and rhetoric. | |
| katātīb | كتاتيب | A traditional elementary Islamic school. Plural form of kuttāb. | |
| kuttāb | كتاب | A traditional elementary Islamic school. Singular form of katātīb. | |
| madāris | مدارس | Secondary schools. High schools. Schools of higher Islamic education. Plural form of madrasa. | |
| maḏhab | مذھب | Adopted legal procedures. Islamic legal doctrines. Islamic legal schools. Singular form of madhāhib. | |
| madhāhib | مذاھب | An adopted legal procedure. An Islamic legal doctrine. An Islamic legal school. Plural form of maḏhab. | |
| madrasa | مدرسة | A secondary school. A high school. A school of higher Islamic education. Singular form of madāris. | |
| majlis-e-shūrā | مجلس الشورى | An Islamic consultative council. | |
| makātib | مكاتب | A traditional elementary Islamic school. Plural form of maktab. | |
| maktab | مكتب | A traditional elementary Islamic school. Singular form of makātib. | |
| manṭiq | منطق | Speech. Diction. Eloquence. Logic. | |
| mu‘tamad | معتمد | Reliable. Dependable. Sanctioned. Authorised. Accredited. | |
| muftī | مفتي | An Islamic jurist (fāqih) who is authorised to proclaim official Islamic legal opinions. An Islamic legislator. Singular form of muftūn and muftiyyūn. | |
| muftiyyūn | مفتين | Islamic jurists (fuqahā’) who are authorised to proclaim official Islamic legal opinions. Islamic legislators. Plural form of muftī. | |
| muftūn | مفتون | Islamic jurists (fuqahā’) who are authorised to proclaim official Islamic legal opinions. Islamic legislators. Plural form of muftī. | |
| muḥaddithīn | محدثين | Islamic scholars who specialise in the study of ḥādīth. Plural form of muḥadith. | |
| muḥaddithūn | محدثون | Islamic scholars who specialise in the study of ḥādīth. Plural form of muḥadith. | |
| muḥadith | محدث | An Islamic scholar who specialises in the study of ḥādīth. Singular form of muḥaddithūn and muḥaddithīn. | |
| mujaddid | مجدد | A renewer. An innovator. A reformer of Islamic thought. | |
| Salaf al-Ṣāliḥ | سلف الصالح | The Prophet Muhammad’s community. The first three generations of Islam. | |
| tafāsīr | تفاسير | Commentaries. Interpretations. Plural form of tafsīr. | |
| tafsīr | تفسير | Commentary. Interpretation. Singular form of tafāsīr. | |
| ‘ulamā | علماء | Islamic scholars. Plural form of ‘ālim. | |
| ‘ulūm al-‘aqlīyah | علوم العقلية | The Rational Sciences. | |
| ‘ulūm al-naqlīyah | علوم النقلية | The Revealed Sciences. | |
| uṣūl al-fiqh | اصول الفقه | Islamic legal theories. The principles of Islamic law. | |
| waḥdat al-wujūd | وحدة الوجود | A Sufi metaphysical doctrine that posits that all existence is ultimately one, with everything in creation being a manifestation of God’s singular reality. | |
| waqf | وقف | A religious bequest. A trust. An endowment. A moratorium. Singular form of awqāf. | |
| zawāyā | زوايا | A corner. A small prayer room. A hospice. A sufi retreat. Plural form of zāwiyā. | |
| zāwiyā | زاوية | A corner. A small prayer room. A hospice. A sufi retreat. Singular form of zawāyā. | |
Bibliography
Ahmad, Mohammad Hanif, ‘A Study of the Secular Content of the Educational Programmes of Prominent Madrasas of Uttar Pradesh’ (PhD, Aligarh Muslim University, 2002)
Ansari, Muhammad Asjad, ‘Modern Education in Madrasas: A Perspective Study of Dar al-Uloom Deoband’, Asia Pacific Journal of Research, 1.XLIV (2016), pp. 101–08
Bearman, P., and others, eds., ‘Encyclopaedia of Islam (H-Iram)’, 2nd edn, 13 vols (E.J. Brill, 1986), iii
——, eds., ‘Encyclopaedia of Islam (Khe-Mahi)’, 2nd edn, 13 vols (E.J. Brill, 1986), v
——, eds., ‘Encyclopaedia of Islam (Ned-Sam)’, 2nd edn, 13 vols (E.J. Brill, 1986), viii
Bowen, Innes, Medina in Birmingham, Najaf in Brent: Inside British Islam, 1st edn (C Hurst & Co Publishers Ltd, 2014)
Dehlvi, Ghulam Rasool, ‘Curriculum of the Indian Madrasas and Islamic Seminaries, Dars-e-Nizami: Is It in Tune with the Modern Era?’, New Age Islam, 2015 <https://www.academia.edu/10098628/Curriculum_of_the_Indian_Madrasas_and_Islamic_Seminaries_Dars-e-Nizami_Is_it_in_Tune_with_the_Modern_Era>
Hasnain, Nadeem, ‘Firangi Mahal Made Lucknow an Intellectual Capital’, Tornos India, Lucknowledge, December 2016 <https://www.tornosindia.com/firangi-mahal-made-lucknow-an-intellectual-capital/>
Huseini, Said Reza, ‘The First Islamic Millennium and the Making of the Tarikh-i Alfi in the Sixteenth Century Mughal India’ (unpublished MA Thesis, Leiden University, 2017)
Lapidus, Ira M., A History of Islamic Societies, 3rd edition (Cambridge University Press, 2014)
Peers, Douglas M., India Under Colonial Rule 1700-1885, 1 edition (Routledge, 2006)
Robinson, Francis, The ’Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in South Asia (C. Hurst & Co. Publishers, 2001)
Shahiduliah, Mohammad, ‘A Brief History of Madrasa Education in India’, Calcutta Madrasa College, Bicentenary Celebration, no. Calcutta (1985)
Wehr, Hans, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic: Arabic-English., ed. by J. M. Cowan, 3rd edn (Spoken Language Services Inc, U.S, 1976)
Zaman, Muhammad Qasim, The Ulama in Contemporary Islam: Custodians of Change (Princeton University Press, 2002)
References:
[1] Sin: madrasa (مدرسة), Pl: madāris (مدارس). See “مدرسة”, in Hans Wehr, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic: Arabic-English., ed. by J. M. Cowan, 3rd edn (Spoken Language Services Inc, U.S, 1976), p. 278.
[2] Sin: ‘ālim (عالم), Pl: ‘ulamā (علماء). See “عالم”, in Wehr, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, p. 636.
[3] Sin: dār al-ʿulūm (دار العلوم), Pl: dūr al-ʿulūm (دور العلو).
[4] Muhammad Asjad Ansari, ‘Modern Education in Madrasas: A Perspective Study of Dar al-Uloom Deoband’, Asia Pacific Journal of Research, 1.XLIV (2016), pp. 101–08 (p. 101).
[5] Ansari, ‘Modern Education in Madrasas: A Perspective Study of Dar al-Uloom Deoband’, p. 101.
[6] Sin: tafsīr (تفسير), Pl: tafāsīr (تفاسير). See “تفسير” in, Wehr, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, p. 713.
[7] Sin: hadith (حديث), Pl: ‘ahadith (احاديث). See “حديث” in, Wehr, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, p. 161.
[8] Mohammad Shahiduliah, ‘A Brief History of Madrasa Education in India’, Calcutta Madrasa College, Bicentenary Celebration, no. Calcutta (1985), p. 6.
[9] Mohammad Hanif Ahmad, ‘A Study of the Secular Content of the Educational Programmes of Prominent Madrasas of Uttar Pradesh’ (PhD, Aligarh Muslim University, 2002), pp. 9–11.
[10] Sin: maktab (مكتب), Plu: makātib (مكاتب). See “مكتب” in, Wehr, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, p. 813.
[11] Sin: kuttāb (كتاب), Plu: katātīb (كتاتيب). See “كتاب” in, Wehr, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, p. 813.
[12] Ahmad, ‘A Study of the Secular Content of the Educational Programmes of Prominent Madrasas of Uttar Pradesh’, p. 39.
[13] ‘Encyclopaedia of Islam (Khe-Mahi)’, ed. by P. Bearman and others, 2nd edn, 13 vols (E.J. Brill, 1986), v, pp. 1123–35.
[14] Innes Bowen, Medina in Birmingham, Najaf in Brent: Inside British Islam, 1st edn (C Hurst & Co Publishers Ltd, 2014), p. 12.
[15] Sin: maḏhab (مذھب), Plu: madhāhib (مذاھب). Islamic legal school. See “مذھب”, in Wehr, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, p. 313.
[16] Sin: zāwiyā (زاوية), Plu: zawāyā (زوايا). A “corner,” a “small prayer room,” a “hospice,” or a “sufi retreat.” See “زاوية” in Wehr, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, p. 387.
[17] waḥdat al-wujūd (وحدة الوجود). A Sufi metaphysical doctrine that posits that all existence is ultimately one, with everything in creation being a manifestation of God’s singular reality.
[18] Ghulam Rasool Dehlvi, ‘Curriculum of the Indian Madrasas and Islamic Seminaries, Dars-e-Nizami: Is It in Tune with the Modern Era?’, New Age Islam, 2015, p. 1.
[19] Ahmad, ‘A Study of the Secular Content of the Educational Programmes of Prominent Madrasas of Uttar Pradesh’, p. 39.
[20] The Ṣadr al-Ṣudūr was a high-ranking official in Islamic governance who was responsible for overseeing religious and judicial affairs. As the Chief Qāḍī of the Islamic judiciary, the Ṣadr al-Ṣudūr managed awqāf (Islamic endowments), regulated religious institutions such as the makātib and madāris, and ensured compliance with and the hegemony of the rulings of the Islamic judiciary. The Ṣadr al-Ṣudūr often acted as a trusted advisor to rulers on theological and legal matters, blending religious authority with administrative responsibilities. This role was particularly prominent in empires such as the Mughal and Ottoman, where the Ṣadr al-Ṣudūr played a pivotal role in integrating Islamic principles into state governance, shaping policies, and preserving doctrinal orthodoxy.
[21] Said Reza Huseini, ‘The First Islamic Millennium and the Making of the Tarikh-i Alfi in the Sixteenth Century Mughal India’ (MA Thesis, Leiden University, 2017), p. 29.
[22] The Ishrāqi tradition, also referred to as Illuminationist philosophy, is a mystical and metaphysical school within Islamic thought. Rooted in the teachings of Shihāb al-Dīn Yahyā ibn Ḥabash Suhrawardī (1154–1191 CE), a twelfth century Persian philosopher, the Ishrāqi tradition draws from the principles of Peripatetic philosophy (established by Aristotle (384 – 322 BC)), Zoroastrian cosmology, Neoplatonism (as developed by ibn Sīnā (980-1037 CE)), and Sufism (as interpreted by Abū Ḥāmid Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad al-Ṭūsiyy al-Ghazālī (1058 – 1111CE)). The Ishrāqi tradition weaves these influences into a unique framework that seeks to illuminate the nature of existence and the soul’s journey toward the divine. See: ‘Encyclopaedia of Islam (H-Iram)’, ed. by P. Bearman and others, 2nd edn, 13 vols (E.J. Brill, 1986), iii, pp. 119–21.
[23] Huseini, ‘The First Islamic Millennium and the Making of the Tarikh-i Alfi in the Sixteenth Century Mughal India’, pp. 28–29.
[24] Sin: waqf (وقف), Plu: awqāf (اوقاف). A religious bequest. A trust. An endowment. A moratorium. See “وقف”, in Wehr, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, p. 1093.
[25] bayt al-māl (بيت المال). Public treasury.
[26] Ahmad, ‘A Study of the Secular Content of the Educational Programmes of Prominent Madrasas of Uttar Pradesh’, p. 41.
[27] Ansari, ‘Modern Education in Madrasas: A Perspective Study of Dar al-Uloom Deoband’, p. 101.
[28] Ahmad, ‘A Study of the Secular Content of the Educational Programmes of Prominent Madrasas of Uttar Pradesh’, p. 37.
[29] Ahmad, ‘A Study of the Secular Content of the Educational Programmes of Prominent Madrasas of Uttar Pradesh’, p. 11.
[30] Ahmad, ‘A Study of the Secular Content of the Educational Programmes of Prominent Madrasas of Uttar Pradesh’, pp. 42–49.
[31] ‘Encyclopaedia of Islam (Ned-Sam)’, ed. by P. Bearman and others, 2nd edn, 13 vols (E.J. Brill, 1986), viii, pp. 68–69.
[32] Ahmad, ‘A Study of the Secular Content of the Educational Programmes of Prominent Madrasas of Uttar Pradesh’, pp. 45–46.
[33] Francis Robinson, The ’Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in South Asia (C. Hurst & Co. Publishers, 2001), p. 106; Nadeem Hasnain, ‘Firangi Mahal Made Lucknow an Intellectual Capital « Tornos India’, Lucknowledge, December 2016;
[34] Sin: muḥadith (محدث), Plu: muḥaddithūn (محدثون) or muḥaddithīn (محدثين). An Islamic scholar who specialises in the study of hadith. See “محدث”, in Wehr, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, p. 162.
[35] mujaddid (مجدد). A renewer. An innovator. A reformer of Islamic thought. See “مجدد” in Wehr, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, p. 114.
[36] Ahmad, ‘A Study of the Secular Content of the Educational Programmes of Prominent Madrasas of Uttar Pradesh’, p. 47.
[37] Ira M. Lapidus, A History of Islamic Societies, 3rd edition (Cambridge University Press, 2014), pp. 699–706.
[38] Dehlvi, p. 3.
[39] Ahmad, ‘A Study of the Secular Content of the Educational Programmes of Prominent Madrasas of Uttar Pradesh’, pp. 61–62.
[40] Ansari, ‘Modern Education in Madrasas: A Perspective Study of Dar al-Uloom Deoband’, p. 105.
[41] Ahmad, ‘A Study of the Secular Content of the Educational Programmes of Prominent Madrasas of Uttar Pradesh’, pp. 106–07.
[42] Ahmad, ‘A Study of the Secular Content of the Educational Programmes of Prominent Madrasas of Uttar Pradesh’, pp. 106–07.
[43] Dehlvi, ‘Curriculum of the Indian Madrasas and Islamic Seminaries, Dars-e-Nizami’, p. 2.
[44] Muhammad Qasim Zaman, The Ulama in Contemproary Islam: Custodians of Change (Princeton University Press, 2002), p. 82.
[45] Douglas M. Peers, India Under Colonial Rule 1700-1885, 1 edition (Routledge, 2006), p. 64.
[46] Ansari, ‘Modern Education in Madrasas: A Perspective Study of Dar al-Uloom Deoband’, pp. 101–02.
[47] Ahmad, ‘A Study of the Secular Content of the Educational Programmes of Prominent Madrasas of Uttar Pradesh’, pp. 50–51.
[48] Lapidus, A History of Islamic Societies, p. 701.
[49] Also known as the Great Rebellion, the Indian Mutiny, the Sepoy Mutiny and India’s First War of Independence. See: Lapidus, A History of Islamic Societies, p. 701.
[50] Peers, India Under Colonial Rule 1700-1885, p. 64.
[51] Bowen, Medina in Birmingham, Najaf in Brent, p. 13.
[52] Ansari, ‘Modern Education in Madrasas: A Perspective Study of Dar al-Uloom Deoband’, p. 103; Bowen, Medina in Birmingham, Najaf in Brent, p. 12.
[53] Ansari, ‘Modern Education in Madrasas: A Perspective Study of Dar al-Uloom Deoband’, p. 103.
[54] Ahmad, pp. 60–61; Ansari, ‘Modern Education in Madrasas: A Perspective Study of Dar al-Uloom Deoband’, p. 104.
[55] Sin: muftī (مفتي), Plu: muftūn (مفتون) or muftiyyūn (مفتين). A legal scholar who is qualified to issue Islamic legal opinions (Sin: fatwā (فتوى), Plu: fatāwā (فتاوى)). See: “افتاء” and “فتوى” in Wehr, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, p. 696.
[56] Ansari, ‘Modern Education in Madrasas: A Perspective Study of Dar al-Uloom Deoband’, p. 104.
[57] mu‘tamad (معتمد), which translates as “reliable,” “dependable,” “sanctioned,” “authorised,” or “accredited.” See “معتمد”, in Wehr, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, p. 643.
[58] Ahmad, ‘A Study of the Secular Content of the Educational Programmes of Prominent Madrasas of Uttar Pradesh’, pp. 63–64; Ansari, ‘Modern Education in Madrasas: A Perspective Study of Dar al-Uloom Deoband’, p. 104.
[59] Ahmad, ‘A Study of the Secular Content of the Educational Programmes of Prominent Madrasas of Uttar Pradesh’, p. 59.
[60] Ahmad, ‘A Study of the Secular Content of the Educational Programmes of Prominent Madrasas of Uttar Pradesh’, p. 64; Ansari, ‘Modern Education in Madrasas: A Perspective Study of Dar al-Uloom Deoband’, p. 104.
